COMPUTERIZED SYSTEM Essay Example for Free

COMPUTERIZED SYSTEM Essay Systems techniques are tools used in the analysis, design, and documentation of system and subsystem relationships. They are largely graphical (pictorial) in nature.  Systems techniques are used by accountants who do systems work. Documentation includes the following types of tools: Narratives (written descriptions) Flowcharts Diagrams Other written material For this subject, we only need to discuss two (2) of the most common documentation tools: Data flow diagrams Graphical descriptions of the sources and destinations of data. They show: Where data comes from How it flows The processes performed on it Where it goes Include three types: Document flowcharts describe the flow of documents and information between departments or units. System flowcharts describe the relationship between inputs, processing, and outputs for a system. Program flowcharts describe the sequence of logical operations performed in a computer program DATA FLOW DIAGRAMS A data flow diagram (DFD) graphically describes the flow of data within an organization. It is used to: Document existing systems Plan and design new systems There is no black-and-white approach to developing a DFD. Data sources and destinations Appear as squares Represent organizations or individuals that send or receive data used or produced by the system An item can be both a source and a destination Data flows Appear as arrows Represent the flow of data between sources and destinations, processes, and data stores As you probably surmised(GUESS) from the previous slides, if a data flow is two-way, use a bi-directional arrow.If two data elements flow together, then the use of one data flow line is appropriate.

History of Politics in Iraq and Iran

History of Politics in Iraq and Iran Iran – Iraq Comparative Political Essay Modern History of Iraq â€Å"The country of Iraq, officially named the Republic of Iraq, is a country in Western Asia spanning most of the northwestern end of the Zagros mountain range, the eastern part of the Syrian Desert and the northern part of the Arabian Desert. Iraq shares borders with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait to the south, Jordan to the west, Syria to the northwest, Turkey to the north, and Iran to the east. With a 35-mile coastline on the Persian Gulf and two major rivers -the Tigris and the Euphrates- Iraq contains agriculturally proficient land. Iraqs history is long and rich, dating back to ancient Mesopotamia, identified by some historians as the cradle of civilization and the birthplace of writing. Throughout its long history, Iraq has served as the capital of the Babylonian empire, and as a province of the Mongol, Ottoman empires and, finally, the British empire which effectively birthed the modern Republic of Iraq. The British are largely credited with the creation of the modern state of Iraq, and had a vested interest in the region as soon as oil was discovered there. Indeed, as the British Petroleum Company (PLC) began production on the Iranian side of the gulf, the British became encouraged by indications that oil was also nearby in what was soon to be Iraq. The British, whose political and economic interests in the Persian Gulf and the Tigris-Euphrates region had progressively grown since the late 18th century, ultimately brought an end to the Ottoman presence in Iraq following the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. The treaty, which followed the British army’s march on Baghdad, led to the replacement of the Ottoman provincial government in occupied Iraq by the British. As a result, Turkey, the successor to the Ottoman Empire, effectively gave up all claims to its former Arab provinces including Iraq. Subsequently, Great Britain succeeded in merging the three provinces of Mosul, Baghdad, an d Al-Barah into one political entity, forging a new nation out of the heterogeneous religious and ethnic entities there. However, anti-imperialist sentiment and Iraqi nationalism grew over the next decade, which, coupled with British frustrations at home, caused Iraq to finally emerge as an independent political entity in 1932. On October 3, 1932, Iraq was admitted to the League of Nations as an independent state. (Metz, 1998) Decades later in 1976, as Saddam Hussein was officially handed power after forcing al-Bakr to step down, he became eager to take advantage of Irans weakened military and what he saw as revolutionary chaos across the border. Specifically, Saddam’s goal was to occupy Irans adjacent oil-rich province of Khuzestan while undermining Iranian Islamic revolutionary attempts to incite the Shia majority of his country. (Algar, 2008) This led to the beginning of Saddam’s tyrannical rule. Shortly after his Ba’athist power grab, Saddam executed several top members of his party under claims of espionage in what would be a foreshadowing of his dominant, Machiavellian person al rule of Iraq for decades to come. Regime Transition in Iraq Ever since seizing power in 1979, Saddam Hussein presented himself as a secular modernizer, a social revolutionary who loosely followed the Egyptian model of Gamal Nasser, the second president of Egypt. To the alarm of Islamic fundamentalists (especially his Iranian counterparts) Hussein’s government conferred women with open freedoms, offering females high-level government and industry jobs. Saddam also created a Western-style legal system, making Iraq the only country in the Persian Gulf region that was not ruled according to Sharia law, even going as far as abolishing the Sharia courts within Iraq. His secularism, masked by a nominal commitment to Sunni Islam, allowed him to engage in bellicosity towards his Muslim neighbors without the encumbrance of religious commitment. This lack of religious loyalty was displayed in the summer of 1990, when Saddam led Iraq’s forces into the Muslim nation of Kuwait, a nation whose population itself is 70% Sunni (CIA, 2008). In August 1990, Iraq seized Kuwait but was soon expelled by US-led, UN coalition forces during the Gulf War of January-February 1991. Following Kuwaits liberation, the UN Security Council (UNSC) required Iraq to destroy all weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and long-range missiles while allowing open-ended UN verification inspections. Over the next 12 years after the US-led invasion of Iraq, Saddam Hussein continually encumbered the inspection process of the UN and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Many on both sides of the partisan divide in the US took his obfuscation to be a clear sign of guilt, believing that Saddam had rebuilt, restored and advanced Iraq’s WMD arsenal over the decade since the first Gulf War. Hence, following the attacks of 9/11, which conferred the Bush Administration with the political ammunition to engage its Middle Eastern enemies, (Benedetto, 2001) the United States led a divided coalition into Iraq in March of 2003 against the wishes of the UN. The world now knows that the intelligence which sent the United States to war with the sovereign nation of Iraq was in the words of the official Presidential Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction ‘dead wrong.’(CNN, 2006) In one report, the intelligence warning read, ‘Intelligence indicates that the Iraqi military are able to deploy chemical or biological weapons within forty-five minutes of an order to do so.’ (The Independent, 2003) It is now known that this and other like intelligence was politicized and augmented, serving as the means to fulfill a seemingly necessary political end.9 The end, in the case of Iraq, was a full-scale US invasion in March of 2003 that led to the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and was followed by mass chaos, violence and predation throughout the country. The use of force can be legal under international law if it is authorized by the United Nations Securit y Council (UNSC). Article 39 of the United Nation’s charter confirms that hard power may be used when the UNSC determines ‘the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.’ However, Security Council Resolution 1441, passed in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, held that disarmament of Iraq should be done only through multilateral, international pressure via the work of United Nations inspectors, not by military force (Hartung Donnelley, 2003). Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov echoed the feelings of the United Nations when he insisted, ‘Iraq does not need democracy brought on the wings of Tomahawks [cruise missiles].’ (Weir, 2003) President Putin himself predicted that the U.S.-led war in Iraq threatened to destabilize the entire Middle East and spill into the territory of the former Soviet Union, asserting, ‘The war against Iraq is fraught with unpredictable consequences, including increased Muslim extremism.’ (IBID.) Unfortunately but undeniably, the prognostications of the Russian leaders turned out to be true, as the aftermath of the US invasion has appeared more Hobbesian than democratic. However, there have been politically salubrious (albeit evanescent) events in Iraq’s regime transition away from personal, authoritarian rule towards democracy. On January 30th, 2005 an estimated eight million people voted in elections for a Transitional National Assembly where the Shi’a United Iraqi Alliance won a majority of assembly seats with the Kurdish parties coming in second. The transition to a stable democracy did not immediately follow the historic elections however, as 114 people were killed by a massive car bomb in southern Baghdad less than a month later (the worst single incident since the US-led invasion.) as well as numerous other suicide bombings (AP, 2008). Later that year, voters approved a new constitution which aimed to create an Islamic federal democracy while also voting for the first full-term government and parliament since the US-led invasion. After years of violence and failure by the Iraqi government to secure political, social or ethnic stability, the Parliament passed legislation allowing former officials from SaddamAfter years of violence and failure by the Iraqi government to secure political, social or ethnic stability, the Parliament passed legislation allowing former officials from Saddam Iran Known as Persia until 1935, Iran (meaning ‘the land of the Aryans’) is a relatively large country enjoying a strategic position in the Persian Gulf. It is larger than Alaska and slightly smaller in size than France, Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom combined. Most of the terrain is a plateau consisting of mountains and desert, with a continental climate marked by scarce precipitation and extreme temperature differences between summer and winter. These factors have made much of the country inhospitable to agriculture and have resulted in a rather skewed demographic distribution. As in much of Asia, the maintenance and control of irrigation infrastructure have been politically important throughout the country’s history. The most important resources are petroleum, natural gas, and mineral deposits. Iran is the second largest oil exporter within OPEC and the fourth largest oil producer in the world. Its proven oil reserves (estimated to be over 94 billion barrels , or 10 percent of the world total) are concentrated along the southern coast (Persian Gulf) and in the Caspian Sea in the north, both of which are areas of geopolitical rivalry and instability. Iran also possesses 15 percent of the world’s proven natural gas reserves, which places it second in the world after Russia. Bordering eight different countries from Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East, and the Caucasus, it has ongoing territorial disputes with Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, and neighbors in the Caspian basin. In 2003, Iran ranked 19 (out of 231 countries) in terms of its gross domestic product. Iran is a lower-middle-income country that has the world’s seventeenth largest population (over 67 million people). Close to 70 percent of the country’s population live in less than 30 percent of the land, concentrated in the north and northwest of the country and such major cities as Tehran, Mashhad, Isfahan, Tabriz, Shiraz, Karaj, Ahvaz, and Qom. Much of the country is rural and historically had an important nomadic pastoral component that came under state pressure to take up settled agriculture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The population is 89 percent Shiite Muslim, another 10 percent are Sunni Muslims, and the remainder (1 percent) are Christians, Baha’is, Jews, and Zoroastrians. Persian (or Farsi, as the Iranians refer to it) is the official and predominant language. There are more than a dozen different ethnic minorities in Iran, including Turkic-speaking Azeris in the north, Gilaki and Mazandaranis in the north, Kurds in the northw est (part of a transnational Kurdish zone that cuts across Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria and sustains an independence movement that all these states have tried to suppress), Balochis in the southeast, and Arabs along the southwest coast. In this patchwork of identities, it is important to note that the cleavages of ethnicity, language, and religion often cut across one another rather than overlap. Brief Political History Iran, a country with a history spanning over three millennia, has one of the richest artistic, literary, and scholarly lineages of the Middle East. This tradition is due to the accumulated contributions of Persia’s gifted craftsman, gnostic and hedonist poets, and learned men of philosophy, science, and religion. The country’s rather complex political culture and sense of self-identity is heavily influenced by (a) a pre-Islamic notion of Iranian identity centered on nationalism, (b) intellectual loans acquired in the course of encounter with Western modernity, and (c) attachment to the minority branch of Islam known as Shiism. Each of these currents has served as a breeding ground for the formation of different types of political sentiments ranging from anti-Arab Iranian nationalism to secular humanism and finally radical Shiism. The Shiite/Sunni split occurred soon after the advent of Islam, over the question of who was eligible to succeed Prophet Muhammad (d. 632) as the new caliph (loosely analogous to the Catholic papacy). Shiites (now some 15 percent of Muslims worldwide) believe that legitimate rulership of the entire Islamic community could descend only through the heirs of the Prophet Muhammad. They regard other early leaders, whom Sunnis revere, as usurpers. A resistance centered on the legitimate line of ‘imams’ lasted for several generations, until the last imam mysteriously disappeared in the year 874. Since then, Shiites have held on to a messianic belief that the ‘hidden imam’ will return at the end of time and restore a just order. Shiite political thinkers historically have held, based on these doctrines, that in the interim all secular authority is ultimately illegitimate. Compared to Sunni Islam, Shiism has thus remained more critical of monarchs and less fully reconciled with political order for its own sake. At best, the Shiite clergy extended a provisional legitimacy to rulers who let Islamic institutions flourish unmolested. The clergy itself came to stand in collectively for the hidden imam, in his absence. Over the centuries, they functioned as the conscience of the Shiite community and thus occupied a role similar to that of the Christian priesthood in premodern Europe, or the Confucian mandarins in premodern China. Certain distinct features of church-state relations bear noting, however. Compared to the Confucian mandarins, the Shiite clerics were far more hostile to power holders and enjoyed more independence. Their religious functions were separate from the state and usually unaffected by it. They also enjoyed a strong institutional base. They were self-organized, in informal hierarchies that rested only on the esteem in which religious scho lars held one another. They also had a secure income from the voluntary religious taxes paid by the believers as well as mosques and charitable endowments that were inviolable under Islamic law. Compared to the Christian priests, Shiite clerics often refused to make peace with secular authorities based on a dividing line between church and state. Islamic doctrine has held that religion and politics flow into one another, as aspects of a comprehensive Islamic society. Rulership by monarchs other than the hidden imam was always viewed, therefore, as an unnatural condition—even if inevitable for the time being. The Shiite clergy’s withdrawal from political life before modern times reflected a desire to be untainted by the prevailing injustice, not a sense that some spheres of life lay outside the scope of religion. Hence, the church-state relationship has always been problematic.† References (2015). Retrieved 3 May 2015, from (2015). Retrieved 3 May 2015, from http://cis.uchicago.edu/sites/cis.uchicago.edu/files/resources/CIS-081206-iraqiran_SimilaritiesandDifferencesIraqIranAnswerKey.pdf (2015). Retrieved 3 May 2015, from http://apcentral.collegeboard.com/apc/public/repository/ap05_comp_govpol_iran_42251.pdf Indexmundi.com,. (2015). Iran vs. Iraq Country Comparison. Retrieved 3 May 2015, from http://www.indexmundi.com/factbook/compare/iran.iraq

Digital Divide in the US and Around the World Essay -- Technology Tech

Digital Divide in the US and Around the World Since the launch of the Internet as a global communication network and the boom in communication technologies, our world has been overwhelmed by a new phenomenon – digital divide. It has gradually turned into a major, constantly growing world issue, threatening to further increase the gap between advanced and developing countries. Yet, is digital divide really an unprecedented occurrence or a natural and unavoidable trend? â€Å"Divide† is certainly a word whose meaning could be traced back to the mere dawn of human history. It goes even deeper – to human nature itself: to sex and racial differentiation, to unequal physical and mental powers, to different location and social status. During the nineteenth century, though, theory of communism tried to defy the principles of naturally existing divide. However, Marx’s utopia, which contradicted basic economic principles – of scarcity and unbounded need – was unachievable. Indeed, through the failure of the communistic experiment, which became so flagrant after the fall of the Iron Curtain, history promoted the inevitability of divide as a symbol of individual uniqueness. As to â€Å"digital†, it is just one of the many attributes of â€Å"divide† that has assumed a global meaning. Therefore, although social and economic differences will undoubtedly continue to harass society in the 21st century, the bridging of the digital gap between those in the lead and those who lag behind should be a major issue for modern civilization. What is â€Å"digital divide†, however? We measure it in terms of penetration of communication services, Internet connectivity, and technological development, but what could possibly be... ...e. Journal of Housing and Community Development v. 58, no2 (Mar./Apr. 2001): 14-15, 17, 45 IMF staff. Globalization: Threat or Opportunity? IMF and World Bank staffs. 100 Percent Debt Cancellation? A response from the IMF and the World Bank. (July, 2001): 1-6 Irving, Larry. Falling Through the Net: Defining the Digital Divide. Kathimerini – Greece’s International English Language Newspaper; September 18, 2001 < http://www.ekathimerini.com/news/content.asp?id=100100 > Poster, Mark. What’s the Matter with the Internet. Wilson, Dwight. The World’s Poor need the Internet. (July 19,2001)

Facing Death Essay -- Papers Death Dying Life Religion Essays

Facing Death Works Cited Not Included In today?s modern society we have a certain distaste for the subject of death. There are people in society feel uncomfortable with the subject of death. The subject of death is a reality that we need to face everyday. There is nothing any of us can do about death, and there is no virtue in dwelling on it or trying to penetrate its mystery. Is it possible to prepare for death? In our day and age as we know it, there have been astounding advancements in medicine. The average life expectancy has risen. People are being educated in issues that surround a healthy life style. As a society, we are trying to increase our life span and defeat death. While people are following strict diets and grueling exercise programs, the earth is creating new diseases, viruses, bacteria, and illnesses that cause death. Is the earth compensating for these new medical advancements by creating these deadly ailments to make life and death equal? We are all going to die; that?s not our problem. Our problem is how to live until we die. Our ...

2001 Silverado :: essays research papers

INTRODUCING THE 2001 CHEVY SILVERADO MOTOR TREND’S 2001 TRUCK OF THE YEAR   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  While shopping for a new pick up truck I discovered a real find, the 2001 Chevrolet Silverado. Ford may have been the best selling pickup in the United States, but more and more Americans are turning to Chevrolet to meet their hauling needs. While Dodge and Ford are making drastic changes to their full-size pickups’ appearance, Chevrolet has decided to stick with more traditional styling. During my research to find the best truck for the best value, I used a couple of outstanding web sites. They provided me with excellent information. The web sites used were: http://www.chevrolet.com/silverado/ index.htm and http://www.Nhtsa.dot .gov/ncap/ncap.cfm. Price Range   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The 2001 Chevy Silverado Extended Cab price ranges from $22,537 to $32,778 (http://www.chevrolet.com/silverado/index.htm). There are several packages, options, trim levels, and engines to choose from. That’s why there is a more than $10,000 difference from the standard model to the loaded model. Appearance   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The 2001 Silverado model that caught my eye is the 1500 extended cab. The 1500 model comes in eleven appealing color schemes, from a bright Summit White to a deep Indigo Blue Metallic. The extended cab feature allows for additional passengers, which is great for my family of four. Even though the Silverado has the most rear-seat legroom of any other GM extended cab pickup, the legroom for the rear seat would be uncomfortable for adults on a long trip. The rear seat can be folded up to allow for additional storage space, a convenient option for those who go shopping on a rainy day. The extended cab comes with a term known as Fourth Door. Fourth Door pertains to the fact that there are actually four doors that can be opened. Each rear door can only be opened after the door in front of it is opened. This could be a slight inconvenience because the rear passengers are unable to exit the vehicle until the front passengers have opened their doors. Silverado Extended Cab  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Interior View http://www.chevrolet.com/silverado/index.htm Power   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The 1500 model comes standard with the 4.8-liter V8 small block Vortec engine. This engine puts out an impressive 270 horsepower. However, with the horsepower comes an additional price to pay at the gas pump. The 2001 Silverado gets sixteen miles to the gallon in the city and twenty-one miles to the gallon on the open highway. To me the power is worth the price.

Compare and Contrast the Ways in Which the ‘Natural Environment’ Essay

The natural environment is a key influence in cosmogonic and cosmologic conceptions of human beings as persons among Australian Aboriginal people and to a lesser extent Balinese people. Meyers (1987[1973]) asserts that personhood is socially generated and defined by culture; the conception of personhood in a society is intrinsic to the very nature and structure of human society and social behaviour universally. The environment in which a society is found has particular influence over the social behaviour, structure and interactions of its inhabitants, and impacts on daily life and ritual observances. The Australian Aboriginal understanding of human beings as persons is an amalgamation of cosmogonic and cosmologic concepts of the Dreaming and a â€Å"system of totemism† which govern the ‘social person’ and fluctuate according to variation in natural environment (Peterson, 1972:12). Conversely Balinese understanding of human beings as persons is a â€Å"depersonalizing† system, based on cosmologic concepts of cycles of reincarnation that influence naming orders, status, ceremony and religion, social structure, heavily constructed with a separation of human and animal and a domestication of the natural environment (Forge 1980, Geertz 1973). The differences arising between Australian Aboriginal and Balinese concepts of personhood are derived from variations in ecology, social organization and culture that stem from the distinctive diversity of their respective natural environments and cosmogonic and cosmologic conceptions. Australian Aboriginal understanding of human beings as persons is closely linked to an intimate social and cultural relationship with their natural environment, which stems from cosmogonic and cosmologic concepts of the Dreaming. Bodley (2000:31) explains the Dreaming answers basic existential, meaning of life questions and offers a way of life doctrine prescribing basic social categories and ritual activities, ascribing cultural meaning to the natural environment. The cosmogonic aspects of the Dreaming involve supernatural beings forming the land through their actions and wanderings, leaving trails then re-entering the earth to slumber. (Strehlow, 1978). Australian Aboriginal concepts of personhood stem from the cosmogonic notion that the person is a reincarnation of one of these supernatural ancestors or ancestresses. Strehlow (1978:20) asserts that according to reincarnation beliefs, some part of the ‘life’ left by the ancestor on their trail, could enter into the body of a human mother who crossed these trails, and could take on new life as her human infant. Strehlow exemplifies the Aranda doctrine of conception, and the possession of two souls by every human being, differing from animals in acquiring a second ‘life’ of the ancestor spirit that is immortal (1978:21). Thus Australian Aboriginal notions of personhood are linked inexplicably to the natural environment through place of conception and the identification with an ancestral place of the right patrilineal moiety where the second soul entered and made them a true person. This identification is in the form of a totem, giving the individual certain rights and ritual observances within that natural environment (Peterson 1972:16). Peterson (1972:12) describes the Australian Aboriginal social organisation, and thus concept of personhood, as derived from a â€Å"system of totemism†. The Australian Aboriginal totemic system is based upon cosmologic notions of the Dreaming, and is explicitly linked with conception beliefs. Strehlow asserts that the most important ramifications of conception and reincarnation beliefs of Australian Aboriginals were the totemic relationships that they established and the links they forge between the mortal man and the changeless forces of eternity (1978:24). Totem relations dictate social organisation and kinship, Bodley states that members of a â€Å"band† may be referred to as ‘people of’, whereas individuals may have an affiliation and rights within several countries (2000:37). Conception away from the father’s estate in no way weakens the child’s links and rights in the father’s clan, but rather bestows additional rights and privileges on the estate that he was conceived (Peterson 1972:17). Conception is in terms of â€Å"the water† or spiritual well you come from, a clan estate is the â€Å"bone country†, indicating that the link with the father and patrilineal natural environment has a physical expression in the bones of a person’s body (Peterson 1972:17). Conception and reincarnation beliefs ensure that Central Australian Aboriginal communities were constituted of peoples that belonged o a variety of totems and lands, and that each individual had a personal totem that determined the nature of his rights and duties, and ultimately the understanding of his personhood (Strehlow 1978:26). In contrast to the close identification of Australian Aboriginals with their natural environment, Forge (1980) asserts the Baline se view nature as â€Å"fundamentally fanged and hairy†. This notion is replicated in traditional artwork as consistent representation of animals with prominent teeth arranged in a way that is not found in the natural environment. Forge (1980:6) suggests this arrangement of teeth is part of Balinese culture, highlighting the Balinese aversion to animalism and a desire to emphasize the distinction between animalism and humanity. Furthermore ritual observance of tooth-filing and blackening, of the front six teeth symbolic of undesirable passions, between puberty and marriage is explicitly said to diminish the similarity between man and animal and produce a â€Å"real human† (Forge 1980:239). Forge (1980:7) asserts â€Å"in Bali nature does not produce mankind, even in physical form; the body needs cultural modification to reach true humanity†. Thus the Balinese have an almost tooth-idiom, Forge (1980:12) suggest the Balinese have culturally created a contrast between modified human teeth and the teeth of animal and supernatural beings that symbolize uncontrolled power. Additionally, the Balinese view the forest as an intermediate zone between the world of men, culture and cultivation, and the world of gods, and inhabitants of the forest, good and bad are seen as aspects of humanity with which a person must come to terms with in order to be in control and realize personhood (Forge 1980:15). Consequently the Balinese view their natural environment as power needing to be remade in a cultural and human form through domestication; through control the Balinese human becomes a person. The Balinese understanding of persons as human beings in social organization is derived from a complex system of naming orders that are essentially depersonalizing (Geertz 1973). Geertz (1973:376) states that in Balinese cosmology the stages in human life are not conceived in terms of the process of aging biologically, to which bares little importance culturally, but of social regenesis. Rather than place identifying names or personal names, birth order names and more so teknonyms, e. g. ‘father-of’, are the primary means of identification in Balinese society, furthering Geertz assertion of a depersonalizing social order where enormous value is placed a person’s procreation (1973). Balinese life is not only irregularly punctuated by frequent holidays, but by frequent temple celebrations which involve only those who are birth members of the temple (Geertz 1973:395). Most individuals belong to half a dozen temples or more, thus Balinese life is culturally cross-cutting, dominated by ritual observances and auspicious calendar days (Geertz 1973:396). In terms of the significance of observances of Balinese calendars to the natural environment, the lunar-solar calendar is useful in agricultural contexts so that planting and harvesting are regulated and control of the natural environment is actualized (Geertz 1973:398). Temples have symbolic connection with agriculture and fertility and celebrate the reception of gods according to the calendar (Geertz 1973:398). The Balinese conception of personhood is influenced by shared obligations at a given temple, common residence in hamlets or bandjar and ownership of rice land in an irrigation society (Geertz 1959). â€Å"Bali is a land of temples†, and membership is cross-cutting of these groups in Balinese society (Geertz 1959:994). Temple worship is significant in the concept of personhood and also for ritual observance of fertility and agricultural or natural environment. The irrigation society or subak regulates all matters to do with the cultivation of wet rice, and members are organized according to location to a single water source (Geertz 1959:995). The organization of the Balinese irrigation system within their natural environment provides the context within which Balinese agricultural activities are organized to control and domesticate the natural environment. The natural environment influences Australian Aboriginal and Balinese understandings of personhood in varied ways, as a product of varying cosmogonic and cosmologic beliefs and practices. As Strehlow (1978) asserts, Australian Aboriginal cosmogony and cosmology of their natural environment significantly influences notions of personhood through conception and reincarnation beliefs and ancestral spirits. Similarly Geertz (1973) discusses the impact of reincarnation beliefs on the cosmologic understanding of humans as persons as depersonalizing contemporaries among he Balinese. However, among the Balinese naming orders are transcendent of place, whereas naming of Aboriginal Australians is distinctly tied to place and natural environment in totemic systems. It is apparent that Australian Aboriginal cosmogony and cosmology of the Dreaming and the conception of personhood in society is tied intrinsically to the natural environment. Conversely, the Balinese social organization is largely separate from a preoccupation with the natural environment, and is focused on control and an emphasis on the difference between animalism and humanity. Such divergent reactions to the natural environment are a direct product of variations in ecological surrounds; the totemic identification with the land of the Australian Aboriginals is due to an inherent need to harmonize with the harsh climate. Balinese assertions of domestication and strict boundaries between human and animal are a product of fear of the dangers of the forest. In conclusion, there is no single universal conception of personhood, and the natural environment impacts upon the reactionary organization of a society to either live with or control through domestication, Australian Aboriginal and Balinese respectively. The environment in which a society is found has particular influence over the social behaviour, structure and interactions of its inhabitants, and impacts on daily life and ritual observances, as seen in both the Australian Aboriginal and Balinese people. The different cultural constructions of personhood around the globe cannot be interpreted in terms of narratives of the progressive emergence, either of rationality or of individuality, in terms of European progression, but rather as singular expressions within varying universal social behaviour and organization.

MySQL server Essay

When a client connects to the MySQL server, the server uses the username provided by the client and the client host to select the appropriate account row from the mysql.user table. It then uses this row to authenticate the client. Before MySQL 5.5.7, the server authenticates the password provided by the client against the Password column of the account row. As of MySQL 5.5.7, the server authenticates clients using plugins. Selection of the proper account row from the mysql.user table is based on the user name and client host, as before, but the server authenticates the client credentials as follows: The server determines from the account row which authentication plugin applies for the client. If the account row specifies no plugin name, the server uses native authentication; that is, authentication against the password stored in the Password column of the account row. This is the same authentication method provided by MySQL servers older than 5.5.7, before pluggable authentication was implemented, but now is implemented using two plugins that are built in and cannot be disabled. If the account row specifies a plugin, the server invokes it to authenticate the user. If the server cannot find the plugin, an error occurs. The plugin returns a status to the server indicating whether the user is permitted to connect. Whereas SQL Server supports two authentication systems, Microsoft Access supports three. Unfortunately, three is not necessarily better than two, and the Access security system is not suited for large enterprise usage. The most commonly used is Database Password. A database password is simply a password that Access prompts you to type in when opening the database. A database can have only one password. You cannot assign a different password to different users.